When
we think of the 1968 Sanitation Workers Strike that took place in Memphis, TN, the
first thing that generally comes to mind is the assassination of Rev. Dr.
Martin Luther King Jr. We seldom think about the 1300 hundred garbage workers
who made the bold decision to go against all of the odds and put everything on
the line by demanding that they be treated like men. It is extremely rare that
we pay any attention to the historically violent past that the City of Memphis
has as it relates to Blacks and Unions. Lastly, I find it interesting that Dr.
King’s murder, a violent act in its own right has clouded and overshadowed the overall
violent history surrounding the City of Memphis and its violent treatment of
Blacks and Unions. I hope to shed some light on the violent history that
Memphis has by sharing the stories of a few men who have all had similar
situations and experiences.
It is no secret that on
April 4, 1968, while providing support to the striking sanitation workers in
Memphis, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was gunned down by an assassin's bullet--
alleged to have been James Earl Ray. Under the leadership of Reverend James
Lawson, the striking sanitation workers were able to raise the profile of their
situation and garner the attention of the nation through Dr. King’s willingness
to participate. It was Lawson, a gifted strategist of the civil rights movement
who had an unwavering belief in the principles of non-violence. Lawson helped
set the tone by insisting that the workers adhere to these principles as
well.
In putting the strategy
for the strike together, I can’t help but wonder if Rev. Lawson had men such as
Thomas Watkins, George Bass, Rev. G. A. Long, Norman Smith, and William Glover
on his mind. These men had all at one time or another been union activist who
at one time or another leant a hand in assisting blacks organize into trade
unions or aided unions in some capacity in Memphis.
On August 26, 1939 at
approximately 2:30 in the morning, Thomas Watkins--a black dockworker from Memphis--was
awakened by loud knocks at the door of his home. Upon answering the door, he
was met by a couple of Memphis police officers who wanted to question him. They
questioned him about his attempts to organize other dockworkers into the union as
well as his ties to the International Longshoreman Association (ILA). This was
not Watkins first encountered with the Memphis police. According to Dr. Michael
Honey, “the Memphis police had repeatedly harassed and beaten Watkins for his
union affiliation.”
They also labeled him a
“communist due to his work in trying to get more blacks into the union.”
Labeling people, especially those with ties to unions, as "Communist"
was a widespread during this era. It was also common for trade unionist to be
associated with the unions and vice versa. However, coming out of the "Red
Scare," this was an effective fear-mongering tactic that was used to
discredit people with union ties. After this night, Watkins’ life would never
be the same due to the constant threat of physical harm and death from the
Memphis police and union busters in the city.
In August of 1940,
George Bass, a white union organizer with the United Rubber Workers, went to
Memphis to organize workers at the Memphis Firestone Plant. Like Watkins, he
too was instantly labeled a "Communist" and was harassed and beaten
by the Memphis Police. Honey tells us that during one of his numerous
confrontations with the police, Bass was told, “We intend to see that you are
out of town or you will end up in the river.” The fact that the police
threatened Bass, a white man, shows me that the resentment was connected to his
union activity.
In November of 1943, A.
Philip Randolph, a Civil Rights Leader and President of the Brotherhood of
Sleeping Car Porters (America’s first Black Union) was invited to speak at the
Mount Nebo Baptist Church in Memphis. Upon arriving, Randolph learned that the
meeting at the church had been canceled by Memphis' Mayor E. H. ‘Boss’ Crump and
his "political machine." Crump’s political
machine included the Memphis police. Crump, along with his machine,
harbored deep racist views towards blacks and an even deeper hatred for unions.
He understood that the unions and blacks, working together, could potentially
change the landscape of the Memphis social and political hierarchy.
According to Honey,
“Crump ordered Sheriff O. H. Perry to close down the church.” Evidence of
Crump’s violence and intimidation tactics could be seen when, Honey says that, “Sheriff
Clark called a group of local black preachers to the courthouse for a meeting
where he showed them a row of empty jail cells and reminded them how good
Memphis had been to blacks.” These tactics were not uncommon at all. As a
matter of fact they are the reasons that men like Watkins and Bass were beaten.
Their beatings served as notice to other blacks and union activist.
In March of 1944, A.
Philip Randolph went back to Memphis and spoke at the First Baptist Church located
on Beale Street. The church was pastored by the Reverend G.A. Long. According
to Jervis Anderson, “Randolph drew a crowd of over 700 people out to the church
to hear him speak." During his speech he compared, “Boss Crump his
policies and treatment of blacks to Adolf Hitler.” These remarks would turn out
to be lethal to Rev. Long and his church in the short term. They would end up
paying a severe price for this, although “not as severe a price as Dr. King
would ultimately pay 25 years later.” says Anderson.
When questioned by
other local black preachers who had been threatened by Boss Crump as to why he
would defy the system and allow Randolph to speak in his church, Anderson says,
Rev. Long boldly stated, “I take my orders from God.” Rev. Long demonstrated
great courage here something. Almost none of the other ministers were willing
to do. Perhaps those ministers who challenged Rev. Long remembered the row of
jail cells that they had been shown by Sheriff Perry back in November of 1943.
After Randolph’s speech
at the church, Boss Crump had Fire Chief A. J. Schester condemn the church for
fire code violations and imposed a fine of $2500 for the trumped up code violations.
According to Anderson, “the fines essentially crippled the church, but upon
hearing that the church had been condemned Randolph sent a check to Rev. Long
in the amount of $2500,” to pay the fines.
On September 7, 1937,
United Auto Worker Union Organizer, Norman Smith, went to Memphis where Honey
says he, “publicly announced that he was in town to organize workers at the
Ford Plant. He also openly listed the location of the union headquarters.” Almost
immediately following this, Mayor Samuel Overton (a protégé of Boss Crump)
issued a condemnation of the United Auto Workers. Saying that, “the union was a
violent and un-American organization linked to Communist.” We see here that they were again playing to
the old tactics used throughout the “Red Scare” by linking the union to
communist and suggesting that it is not American.
Police Commissioner
Clifford Davis also chimed in and stated, “Outside invaders have located here
in Memphis and today we will free Memphis of these unwanted people signaling
out Norman Smith and closing by saying they would take care of the
situation.” Honey says that, “the next
day a gang of thugs attacked and beat Smith mercilessly with battery cables and
coke bottles.” It is clear to me that the Memphis police and Political machine
publicly let people know what they intended to do.
In January of 1938,
William Glover, a Pullman Porter, was arrested by Memphis police on the charges
of propositioning a white nurse during a company physical. According to Honey
he also allegedly, “remarked that he had an 18 year old white girlfriend.” After
this incident was reported to the police, Glover was arrested by Police Chief
Will Lee and another officer and “beaten with a blackjack that caused multiple
injuries to his head.” The tragic thing about this situation is Glover was a
well-respected man in the black Memphis community. According to Honey, "he
served as an elder in his church, was a married father of four, and was a 16
year veteran working on the trains as a Pullman Porter.”
Glover’s issue appears
to be the same issue that Watkins, Bass, Randolph, Rev. Long, Smith, and
ultimately King had: being Black and affiliated with the Unions. While I have
detailed the situations that these men faced with documented incidences of
violence as well as the various propaganda that was used to label and
intimidate them and others in the community. There is one thing that remains
the same. It is clear to see that the common theme that ties them all together
is their race and/or their affiliation with a Union.
References
Anderson
Jervis, A. Philip Randolph: A Biographical Portrait,
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. 1972
Honey
Michael K., Going Down Jericho Road: The Memphis Sanitation Workers Strike, Martin
Luther King’s Last Campaign, W.W. Norton,
2008
Honey
Michael K., Southern Labor and Black
Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers,
University of Illinois Press, 1993
