Saturday, July 1, 2017



2017 AFL-CIO LABOR COMMISSION ON RACIAL AND ECONOMIC JUSTICE REPORT

"The AFL-CIO Labor Commission on Racial and Economic Justice recently released a report on the state of racial justice in the labor movement and recommendations to help the labor movement become a more inclusive and better advocate for economic justice."

Visit the AFL-CIO Labor Commission on Racial and Economic Justice: https://racial-justice.aflcio.org/

View the AFL-CIO Labor Commission on Racial and Economic Justice Report: https://s3.amazonaws.com/dev.unionhall.files/img/RaceReport.pdf






Thursday, July 17, 2014

Voices from the Firing Line: A Personal Account of the Pittsburgh Civil Rights Movement

Dr. Ralph Proctor Ph.D
Pittsburgh Civil Rights activist and Professor, Dr. Ralph Proctor, released his book, Voices from the Firing Line: A Personal Account of the Pittsburgh Civil Rights Movement, earlier this year. In describing his motivation for writing the book, Dr. Proctor states, "There was little valid documentation of the movement, and what was written, was authored by people who were not part of the movement... So here it is: a personal history of the movement, written by a historian who was there, told by the participants themselves." 

I first met Dr. Proctor a few years ago, when I took his “History of the Pittsburgh Civil Rights Movement” class at the Community College of Allegheny County. It was a wonderful experience. Having been raised in the South and hearing the personal stories and accounts of events from my grandfather (who was a Civil Rights Activist in South Carolina), I was very familiar with what transpired there. 

Dr. Proctor's work forces us to move beyond the more notable stories of the Civil Rights Movement, such as the battles Dr. King led in Montgomery, Birmingham and Selma, Alabama to look at the struggles that were taking place in Northern Industrial cities such as Pittsburgh. 

His analysis and account, along with the personal stories of those activists who were fighting the struggles on the ground, is remarkable. He clearly illustrates the de facto segregation that had been in place in Pittsburgh and other Northern Cities. I encourage anyone who appreciates the Civil Rights Movement to take a look at this remarkable account of history. 

For more information on Dr. Proctor:

Proctor seeks former interviewees

CCAC Professors latest book shares personal reflections on Pittsburgh's Civil Rights Movement

Black History Month African Arts and Culture


Monday, July 14, 2014

Memphis Tennessee; Blacks, Unions, and Violence

When we think of the 1968 Sanitation Workers Strike that took place in Memphis, TN, the first thing that generally comes to mind is the assassination of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. We seldom think about the 1300 hundred garbage workers who made the bold decision to go against all of the odds and put everything on the line by demanding that they be treated like men. It is extremely rare that we pay any attention to the historically violent past that the City of Memphis has as it relates to Blacks and Unions. Lastly, I find it interesting that Dr. King’s murder, a violent act in its own right has clouded and overshadowed the overall violent history surrounding the City of Memphis and its violent treatment of Blacks and Unions. I hope to shed some light on the violent history that Memphis has by sharing the stories of a few men who have all had similar situations and experiences.
It is no secret that on April 4, 1968, while providing support to the striking sanitation workers in Memphis, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was gunned down by an assassin's bullet-- alleged to have been James Earl Ray. Under the leadership of Reverend James Lawson, the striking sanitation workers were able to raise the profile of their situation and garner the attention of the nation through Dr. King’s willingness to participate. It was Lawson, a gifted strategist of the civil rights movement who had an unwavering belief in the principles of non-violence. Lawson helped set the tone by insisting that the workers adhere to these principles as well. 
In putting the strategy for the strike together, I can’t help but wonder if Rev. Lawson had men such as Thomas Watkins, George Bass, Rev. G. A. Long, Norman Smith, and William Glover on his mind. These men had all at one time or another been union activist who at one time or another leant a hand in assisting blacks organize into trade unions or aided unions in some capacity in Memphis.
On August 26, 1939 at approximately 2:30 in the morning, Thomas Watkins--a black dockworker from Memphis--was awakened by loud knocks at the door of his home. Upon answering the door, he was met by a couple of Memphis police officers who wanted to question him. They questioned him about his attempts to organize other dockworkers into the union as well as his ties to the International Longshoreman Association (ILA). This was not Watkins first encountered with the Memphis police. According to Dr. Michael Honey, “the Memphis police had repeatedly harassed and beaten Watkins for his union affiliation.” 
They also labeled him a “communist due to his work in trying to get more blacks into the union.” Labeling people, especially those with ties to unions, as "Communist" was a widespread during this era. It was also common for trade unionist to be associated with the unions and vice versa. However, coming out of the "Red Scare," this was an effective fear-mongering tactic that was used to discredit people with union ties. After this night, Watkins’ life would never be the same due to the constant threat of physical harm and death from the Memphis police and union busters in the city. 
In August of 1940, George Bass, a white union organizer with the United Rubber Workers, went to Memphis to organize workers at the Memphis Firestone Plant. Like Watkins, he too was instantly labeled a "Communist" and was harassed and beaten by the Memphis Police. Honey tells us that during one of his numerous confrontations with the police, Bass was told, “We intend to see that you are out of town or you will end up in the river.” The fact that the police threatened Bass, a white man, shows me that the resentment was connected to his union activity.
In November of 1943, A. Philip Randolph, a Civil Rights Leader and President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (America’s first Black Union) was invited to speak at the Mount Nebo Baptist Church in Memphis. Upon arriving, Randolph learned that the meeting at the church had been canceled by Memphis' Mayor E. H. ‘Boss’ Crump and his "political machine." Crump’s political machine included the Memphis police. Crump, along with his machine, harbored deep racist views towards blacks and an even deeper hatred for unions. He understood that the unions and blacks, working together, could potentially change the landscape of the Memphis social and political hierarchy.
According to Honey, “Crump ordered Sheriff O. H. Perry to close down the church.” Evidence of Crump’s violence and intimidation tactics could be seen when, Honey says that, “Sheriff Clark called a group of local black preachers to the courthouse for a meeting where he showed them a row of empty jail cells and reminded them how good Memphis had been to blacks.” These tactics were not uncommon at all. As a matter of fact they are the reasons that men like Watkins and Bass were beaten. Their beatings served as notice to other blacks and union activist.
In March of 1944, A. Philip Randolph went back to Memphis and spoke at the First Baptist Church located on Beale Street. The church was pastored by the Reverend G.A. Long. According to Jervis Anderson, “Randolph drew a crowd of over 700 people out to the church to hear him speak." During his speech he compared, “Boss Crump his policies and treatment of blacks to Adolf Hitler.” These remarks would turn out to be lethal to Rev. Long and his church in the short term. They would end up paying a severe price for this, although “not as severe a price as Dr. King would ultimately pay 25 years later.” says Anderson.
When questioned by other local black preachers who had been threatened by Boss Crump as to why he would defy the system and allow Randolph to speak in his church, Anderson says, Rev. Long boldly stated, “I take my orders from God.” Rev. Long demonstrated great courage here something. Almost none of the other ministers were willing to do. Perhaps those ministers who challenged Rev. Long remembered the row of jail cells that they had been shown by Sheriff Perry back in November of 1943.
After Randolph’s speech at the church, Boss Crump had Fire Chief A. J. Schester condemn the church for fire code violations and imposed a fine of $2500 for the trumped up code violations. According to Anderson, “the fines essentially crippled the church, but upon hearing that the church had been condemned Randolph sent a check to Rev. Long in the amount of $2500,” to pay the fines.
On September 7, 1937, United Auto Worker Union Organizer, Norman Smith, went to Memphis where Honey says he, “publicly announced that he was in town to organize workers at the Ford Plant. He also openly listed the location of the union headquarters.” Almost immediately following this, Mayor Samuel Overton (a protégé of Boss Crump) issued a condemnation of the United Auto Workers. Saying that, “the union was a violent and un-American organization linked to Communist.”  We see here that they were again playing to the old tactics used throughout the “Red Scare” by linking the union to communist and suggesting that it is not American.
Police Commissioner Clifford Davis also chimed in and stated, “Outside invaders have located here in Memphis and today we will free Memphis of these unwanted people signaling out Norman Smith and closing by saying they would take care of the situation.”  Honey says that, “the next day a gang of thugs attacked and beat Smith mercilessly with battery cables and coke bottles.” It is clear to me that the Memphis police and Political machine publicly let people know what they intended to do.
In January of 1938, William Glover, a Pullman Porter, was arrested by Memphis police on the charges of propositioning a white nurse during a company physical. According to Honey he also allegedly, “remarked that he had an 18 year old white girlfriend.” After this incident was reported to the police, Glover was arrested by Police Chief Will Lee and another officer and “beaten with a blackjack that caused multiple injuries to his head.” The tragic thing about this situation is Glover was a well-respected man in the black Memphis community. According to Honey, "he served as an elder in his church, was a married father of four, and was a 16 year veteran working on the trains as a Pullman Porter.”
Glover’s issue appears to be the same issue that Watkins, Bass, Randolph, Rev. Long, Smith, and ultimately King had: being Black and affiliated with the Unions. While I have detailed the situations that these men faced with documented incidences of violence as well as the various propaganda that was used to label and intimidate them and others in the community. There is one thing that remains the same. It is clear to see that the common theme that ties them all together is their race and/or their affiliation with a Union.

References
Anderson Jervis, A. Philip Randolph:  A Biographical Portrait,
            Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. 1972

Honey Michael K., Going Down Jericho Road:  The Memphis Sanitation Workers Strike, Martin
            Luther King’s Last Campaign, W.W. Norton, 2008

Honey Michael K., Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights:  Organizing Memphis Workers,

            University of Illinois Press, 1993